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AN ADDRESS, 



DELIVKRKD BEFOUf: 



5Ciie iFemale ^ntf^siaberg Socfetg oe 3|h(lat<elpivCa, 



IN THE SESSION ROOM 



SECOND PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 



(on chkrry strekt,) 



IN THE FIRST MONTH, (JANUARY^) 1834. 



BY E. P. ATLEE, M. D. 



TO -WHICH IS ADDED AXI AFFEKDIX. 



JIhdatJelphfa: 

PRINTED BY T. K. COLLINS & CO. 
49 PRUNE STREET. 

1834. 






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AN ADDRESS, &<;. 



Fellow Citizens — 

It is a lamentable, a humbling- truth, that in the 
58th year of our country's independence — when, agreeably to our profes- 
sions to the world, our institutions should now be dispensing the fruition 
of republican freedom to every man within our borders, and the pledged 
security of equal rights, there exists the necessity for the formation of 
associations for the overthrow of a monster of oppression, a system of 
tyranny more gross and abhorrent in its features, compared with former 
eras, than the world has ever tolerated. I allude to slavery, as it is legal- 
ized in these United States. 

Previous to our struggle for " a separate and equal station among the 
powers of the earth," the patriot, the philosopher, and the sage had seen 
the evils of this system. Dr. Benjamin Rush, Franklin, and a host of 
kindred worthies, had formed in this city, the first Abolition Society in the 
world — and to its everlasting honour be it spoken, that society yet exists, 
and has to this day maintained an exalted character and consistent defence 
of the rights and privileges of the coloured man. Its efforts, however, for 
many years were so unobtrusive, and after obtaining the passage of a law 
for the abolition of slavery in this State, the exertions of its members 
became so entirely confined to the kidnapping of free persons of colour in 
our own territories, and their improvement by education, &c., that the 
community at large was permitted to sink into forgetfulness. Thus an 
opportunity was allowed for the sowing, cultivation, and wide extended 
growth among the people of "this State of Penn," of a prejudice against 
the coloured population, ungenerous, ignoble, anti-republican, and un- 
christian. It is true, that the cause of abolition was partially kept alive 
throughout the Union, by the biennial assemblage of delegates from various 
States, in the capacity of a convention, who constantly urged upon Con- 
gress the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and other terri- 
tories under its exclusive jurisdiction, and appealed, through its addresses, 
to the slave-holding States, in the language of affection, firmness, and 
Christian remonstrance, to fix some day on which slavery should cease. 

Such, however, has become the national drunkenness in this iniquity, 
and the deadly lethargy of tbe country, that the time has arrived when the 
true lovers of our pure and unadulterated institutions must "lift up their 
voice like a trumpet, and show the people their transgressions and their 
sins." It is no time now to cry peace ! peace ! when this whole nation, 
through the paralizing policy of the Northern press, and the boasting 
defiance of eternal power, and self-complacent security of Southern govern- 
ment, is hastening to premature dissolution. The fearful accumulation of 
slavery is the recil cause of most of our national difficulties. Conceal it as 
we may, this is the root of bitterness between the States ; this is the can- 
ker-worm which is gnawing at the very vitals of our body politic. So 



long as it is cherished, so long will discordant interests divide the country. 
So long as it is looked upon as a degradation to labour for a subsistence, 
by the mass of our white citizens of one section of our Union, so long will 
those of the other, whose political and even moral economy, requires an 
opposite course, be held in contempt by those who luxuriate upon the toils 
of absolute vassals. 

We are told by many " that they are opposed to slavery in the abstract, 
that they deprecate it as much as we can, and that they would gladly unite 
in accomplishing its total overthrow;" but "that now is not the time for 
such an etibrt." " The slave-holders are not ready to listen to us." "After 
a while, perhaps, they may see their error and repent." " Then it will be 
expedient to call upon them." 

For ourselves, we cannot comprehend the meaning of " slavery in the 
abstract." Is there, we ask, no absolute, unconditional bondage, no brutal 
servitude of our fellow men in these United States'? Does it exist only in 
the mind as an ignis fahuis? Again, is it possible to consider it without 
reference to particular ])ersons or things? These are senses in which the 
term abstract is correctly used. Under such oblique, sophisticated vision, 
the proper time would never be discovered. 

It shall be our province on the present occasion, to exhibit this national 
sin, and national curse, not abstractedly, but as it really is. For which 
purpose we shall appeal to the statute books of the slave-holding States, a 
view of which is contained in Stroud's " Sketch of the Laws relating to 
Slavery in the several States of the United States of America," published 
in 1827 : a work which ought to be carefully perused, and impartially 
examined by every lover of freedom, and compared with the fundamental 
doctrines of our republic, and with the principles of the Christian religion. 

And, 1st, we shall draw the attention of the female part of this interest- 
ing assembly, whose influence upon general sentiment, and efficient moral 
power over the hearts and understandings of mankind, is acknowledged to 
be pre-eminent, to the established legal principle, that the fate of the chil- 
dren is to be determined according to the condition of their tnotliers. The 
States of Maryland, South Carolina, Georgia, Mississippi, and Louisiana, 
all unite in pronouncing the fiat oi pC7-petuul slavery upon every individual 
whose mother may have been coloured. Maryland, by an enactment in 
1715, and which now remains in force, declares as follows: — 

"All negroes, and other slaves, already imported, or hereafter to be im- 
ported into this province, and all children now born or hereafter to be born of 
such negroes and slaves, shall be slaves during their natural lives. See Ch. 
44, Sec. 22. 

South Carolina, according to Brevard's Digest, (2d) 229, enacted, in 
1740, the following: — "All negroes, Indians, (free Indians in amity with 
this government, and negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, who are now free 
excepted,) mulattoes, or mestizoes, who are now or shall hereafter be in 
this province, and all their issue and ofl's])ring born, or to be born, shall be, 
and they are hereby declared to be and remain for ever hereafter absolute 
slaves, and shall follow the condition (f the mother.''^ 

By a letter addressed to Professor James, of the University of Pennsyl- 
vania, dated November 15th, 1825, and to be seen in the North American 
Medical and Surgical Journal No. 2, for April 1826, it appears that the 
establishment of this principle has operated to the enslavement of white 
children in South Carolina born of a slave mother. These are authenticated 
facts. 

I leave my intelligent audience to interpret why the helpless infant 
shares the condition of the mother. Such is the holy indignation I feel in 
contemplating this abominable statute, that were I to dwell upon the sub- 
ject, I should utter language which would inflict pangs upon the feelings of 
the slave-liolders. as inliuman as the lashes upon the bare bodies of their 



slaves. And yet the abolitionists of the country are denounced by too 
many of their countrymen, as '■'■ sickly philanthropists, fanatics, incendiaries,'''' 
&c. for endeavouring to rouse the moral energies of the people of this na- 
tion, so that such laws may be repealed, and every human being reinstated 
in those unalienable rights to which nature and nature's God entitle 
them! 

Again. By the Civil Code of Louisiana, Art. 35, it is enacted, that 
" a slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom he belongs. 
The master may sell him, dispose of his person, his industry, and his la- 
bour : he can do nothing, nor acquire any thing, but what must belong to 
his master." 

South Carolina declares, according to Prince's Digest, 446, that "slaves 
shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed, and adjudged in law, to be chattels 
personal in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, ad- 
ministrators and assigns, to all i7itents, constructions and purposes whatever^'' 

Maryland, in illustration of this doctrine, thus speaks. Act of 1798, Ch. 
CI: — " In case the personal property of a ward shall consist of specific arti- 
cles, such as slaves, loorking-beasts, animals of any kind, stock, furniture, 
plate, books, and so forth, the Court, if it shall deem it advantageous for the 
ward, may at any time pass an order for the sale thereof." 

The Civil Code of Louisiana, Art. 46, says, that " slaves, though move- 
able by nature, are considered as immoveable by the operation of law.'''' 
Again, Act of Assembly, June 7th, 1806: "Slaves shall always be re- 
puted and considered real estate, shall be, as such, subject to be mortgaged, 
according to the rules prescribed by law, and they shall be seized and sold 
as real estate." 

In Kentucky they are by the law of descents considered real estate, and 
pass to heirs and not to executors. But as chattels they may be sold by the 
master at his pleasure, and taken in execution for the payment of his 
debts. See Littell & Swigart, 1155 & 1247. 

2. We shall now sum up the consideration of the relations according to 
law which subsist between master and slave in this " land of liberty," 
" this asylum for the oppressed of all nations," this " land of the free and 
home of the brave ;" by presenting to your notice the following positions,* 
clearly deduced from the operations of law and usage in the slave States: 

I. " The master may determine the kind and degree, and time of labour, to 
which the slave shall be subjected." 

II. " The master may supply the slave with such food and clothing only, 
both as to the quantity and quality, as he may think proper, or find conve- 
nient." 

III. " The master may, at his discretion, inflict any punishment upon the 
person of the slave." 

IV. " All the power of the master over his slave may be exercised not 
by himself only in person, but by any one whom he may depute as his 
agent." 

V. " Slaves have no legal rights of property in things, real or personal ; 
but whatever they may acquire belongs, in point of law, to their masters." 

VI. " The slave being ■& personal chattel, is at all times liable to be sold 
absolutely, or mortgaged or leased, at the will of his master." 

VII. " He may also be sold by process of law, for the satisfaction of 
the debts of a living, or the debts and bequests of a deceased master, at 
the suit of creditors or legatees." 

VIII. "A slave cannot be a party before a judicial tribunal, in any spe- 
cies of action, against his master, no matter how atrocious may have been 
the injury received from him." 

IX. " Slaves cannot redeem themselves, nor obtain a change of masters, 
though cruel treatment may have rendered such change necessary for their 
personal safety." 



X. "Slaves being objects oi properly, if injured by a third person, 
their owners may bring suit, and recover damages for the injury." 

XI. " Slaves can make no co7iiract.^^ 

XII. " Slavery is hereditary and perpetual.'''' 

These, then, are a part of the legal relations as given by Stroud, up to the 
time when his work was published. If repeals have taken place in any 
of the States since then, I am ignorant of them. But in addition to these, 
other laws have been subsequently passed in several of the states, making 
it penal to instruct them in any way, even in the truths and consolations of 
the Gospel. So that they are deprived by law of apart of the means de- 
signed by Deity for obtaining a knowledge of his will, and for a prepara- 
tion for eternity. 

Millions of dollars have been expended, by the Christian world, and. 
are now being expended, through the medium of Bible, Missionary and 
numerous other institutions, under the plea of converting the Heathen, 
spreading the glorious knowledge of the Lord to the remotest parts of the 
earth, and enlightening the dark places of our own and foreign lands. 
The necessity of general education for securing the happiness of mankind, 
and the true elevation of his character, is acknowledged by all the liberal 
governments of the earth. 

But especially in this "our own, our native land," are our philosophers, 
our statesmen, and philanthropists uniting together the influence of their 
pens, their eloquence, and their beneficence, to convey to the humblest 
child of the republic, the treasures of useful knowledge. For what pur- 
pose? 

To exalt the character of its citizens, and thereby secure the perpetuity 
and glory of our country. And yet where are they who plead for the 
christianising the poor, the oppressed, the degraded slave ] Where are 
they who point to the millions of the despised descendants of Africa in our 
land, and urge their claims upon the country] Small indeed is the band, 
and almost unobserved ! But greater is He that is within them, than they 
that are in the world. 

Whatever may be their present obscurity, however their principles may 
be denounced, and their designs misrepresented, the time must come, 
sooner or later, when general sentiment will concur in pronouncing them 
the real lovers and benefactors of their country. 

We have read you some of the laws which obtain in the slave states; — 
we will now present you with their practical operations. To silence all 
cavilling on the subject, and to avoid the charge of asserting that which is 
only hearsay or surmised, we beg leave to read you the following adver- 
tisements, taken from a number of the latest newspapers: 

From the New Orleans Argus, December 18th, 1833. 

'■'• Parish of Orleans — Court of Probate — Sale by Register of Wills. 

On Wednesday, the 18th of December, 1833, I will expose for sale at 
auction, at the Exchange Coffee House, for account of the succession of 
Alphonse Carian, deceased, the following described slaves and landed 
property, viz : 

Slaves. — George, a negro man, aged about 24 years ; segar maker, good 
subject. 

Amikey, a negro woman, aged about 60 years ; somewhat of a washer. 

Jean Louis, a Creole negro boy; aged 11 years. 

The slaves at one year's credit, for,approved indorsed notes, secured by 
special mortgage. 

The act of sale to be passed before L. T. Cairo, notary public, at the 
expense of the purchaser. — By order of the court. 

W. F. C. DV^hY,^!^, Register of Wills:' 



" On Wednesday the 25th day of December inst, at noon, &c., I will 
expose for sale at auction, at the New Exchange Coffee House, for account 
of the succession of W. Adams, deceased, a negro slave, named Willis, 
aged about 30 years, drayman and laborer, having been once convicted of 
theft. The above named and described slave to be sold to the highest and 
last bidder, for what he will bring, &c. — By order of the court. 

W. F. C. DUPLESIS, Begisier of Wills." 

" On Tuesday, the 31st day of December, 1833, I will expose, &c., a 
negro woman named Betty, aged about 30 years, and Mariah, a negro wo- 
man, aged about 23 years, with her son Jack, about six years old. — By 
order of the court. 

W. F. C. DUPLESIS, Register of Wills:' 

" On the same day, and at the same time, the following : — Babet, a ne- 
gress 30 years old, having lust her fingers and toes ; and Adelaide, a negress, 
aged about 35 years, and her two children, Angele, a negro girl, nine years 
old, and Christine, a negro girl six years old. — By order of the court. 

W. F. C. DVVh^^l^, Register of Wilkr 

" Marshal's Sale. Shepherd and Ireland, testamentary executors of 
the late W. H. Ireland vs. Breuf. By virtue of two writs oi fi. fa. to me 
directed, by the Hon. Charles Gayarre, presiding Judge of the City Court 
of New Orleans, I shall expose for sale, on Friday the 27th December 
at 12 o'clock, at Hewlett's Coffee House, the mulatto girl named Nancy, 
seized in the above suit, the same being the second and last auction. 
She will be sold to the highest bidder for what she will bring. &c. 

B. BEAUREGARD, ilffflrs^a/." 

" By Isaac L. M'Coy. Will be sold, on Monday, 23d December, at 12 
o'clock, &c., by virtue of an order from the Hon. Judge of the Parish 
Court, for the Parish of Jefferson, &c. &c., the following slaves belong- 
ing to the estate, &c. 

Jenny, aged about 30 years, cook, washer, ironer, and home servant,, 
together with her four children; Elizabeth, aged eight years, Robert, seven, 
John, three, and an infant three months old.'''' 

" By Tricou and Canonge. By order of the Court of Probates, &c., will 
be sold, on Monday, 30th December next, the following property, &c. 

"The Creole negress Nina, aged about 30 years, middling cook and 
house servant, together with her two children, mulattress Lise, aged nine 
years, and Charles, aged seven years." 

" By Tricou ? i Canonge, on account of departure, will be sold, on Sa- 
turday, the 2P:ii December, 1833, at 12 o'clock, &c. 

Nathan, a i egro, aged 27 years, good butcher, carter, and handy at every 
thing ; faiihft ' servant. Sam, aged 26 years, somewhat of a carpenter, car- 
ter, &c. Vio Aie, aged 19 years, cook, ironer, washer, house servant, and 
first rate character. Thomas, aged IG years, good servant. The above 
slaves are fully warranted.." 

From the Nashville Whig, December 19th, 1833. 

" Cash for Negroes. The subscriber wishes to purchase 25 or 30 
likely young negroes, from 12 to 25 years of age; also a first rate black- 
smith and carpenter. Persons wishing to sell will do well to call at the 
City Hotel and see the subscriber, as he is buying for his own use, and 
will give the best prices. 

Nashville, November 23d, 1833. 

(Signed) SAMUEL MEEK." 



From the New Orleans Courier, December 20th, 1833. 
« By T. Mossy. On Wednesday, the 23d January next, <it 12 o'clock, 
at the Exchange, will be sold, for account of the creditors, &c., 100 slaves 
of both sexes, and of different ages." 

" By the same. On Monday, 23d inst. at noon, will be sold, &c., a 
family of valuable slaves, to wit: — Obidaja, a Creole negro, about 23 or 24 
years old, a good gardener, something of a mason and painter, and a good 
subject. 

"Mm'e, his sister, 29 or 30 years old, with two children, — /ac^wes, eight 
years old, and Lub'm, twelve nio7i/hs old. She is a good subject; cook, 
washer and ironer, and a good seller of vegetables. 

" Lady, sister of Marie, about 26, good family cook, washer and ironer, 
and now pregnant.* The above slaves are guaranteed against vices and 
disease, as prescribed by law.'''' 

*' By F. Dutillet. Pierre Hutchet Kernion vs. His Creditors. Pur- 
suant to an order of the Hon. &c., I shall offer for sale, &c., Fanny, a ne- 
gress of about 17 years, maimed in the hip. 

" Elsy, a negress, aged about 20 years, with her child, 22 months old.''^ 
With several others in the same advertisement. 

" By the same. Will be sold, on Monday, 23d Dec. at 12 o'clock, &c., 
for account of the succession &c., the slaves, plantation, and bank stock 
hereinafter described. Among others of the chattels are, 4th, Fanny, a 
negro wench, aged about 24 years, house servant, washer and ironer, with her 
four children; Philogene, mulatto, aged about eight years; Henry, mulatto, 
of five years; Philipe, a grille of six years, and Eliza, a griffoune of two 
years." 

From the Charleston Mercuiy, Dec. 21, 1833. 
"Notice. — Estate Sale. One hundred and thirty-five negroes, mules, 
and cattle, &c. By permission of Jas. S. Guignard, Ordinary of Rich- 
land district, will be exposed to public auction, on the first Tuesday of 
February next, before the court house and market in the town of Colum- 
bia, South Carolina, the entire gang of 135 negroes, mules, and cattle, 
hogs, provisions, &c., belonging," &c. &c. 

J. M. HOWELL, Mm.'" 

" Cash will be paid for any number of single negroes, from the age of 10 
to 35 years old, of either sex. Also, wanted, carpenters, blacksmiths, coo- 
pers, and bricklayers. Persons wishing to sell such property, will do well 
by calling at the City Hotel, East Bay, or at Alexander M'Donald's store, 
corner of King and George Streets, as the subscriber will continue to pur- 
chase during the season, and will give the highest prices for such pro- 
perty. {Signed) HUGH M'DONALD." 

From the Savannah Georgian, December 28th, 1833. 
" Sheriff's Sale. On the first Tuesday in January next, will be sold, 
before the Court House, in the city of Savannah, between the usual hours 
of sale, one mulatto boy, named Marcus, alias Tucker ; levied on, under and 
by virtue of executions on foreclosure of mortgage, issuing out of the Su- 
perior Court of Twiggs County, in favour of James Solomon'i's. Joseph D. 
Thompson. {Signed) GEORGE MILLEN. S. C. C." 

" Executor's Sale. On the first Tuesday in January next, before the 
Court House in Savannah, will be sold the following negro slaves : — viz. 

* The closing part of this sentence was suppressed by the speaker, from motives 
of delicacy. 



Molly^ Bella, William, Jaslicc, Moses, Josiah, Sandy, Betsy, Scipio, Fanny, 
Jenny, May, Polly, Tenah, Emy, Shadrach, Rebecca, Dick, Peg, Die, Mar- 
garet, and March. Sold by order of the court, as part of the personal 
estate, &c. JAMES HUNTER, Ex'or:' 

From the Charleston Mercury, December 30th, 1833. 
" The highest price cash, will be given for negroes, between the ages of 
10 and 30, by the subscriber. Persons having property of that kind to 
dispose of, either in town or in the country, will do well by applying to 

JAMES H. GARDINER, 
Norris' Hotel, corner King and George Streets." 

" By Lance and Berney. On Thursday, 16th January next, will be sold 
at the North of the Exchange, at 11 o'clock, a remarkably prime gang of 
about 50 negroes, accustomed to the culture of Rice and Cotton." 

" By the same. On Monday, 6th of January next, will be sold, at the 
North of the Exchange, at 11 o'clock, a remarkably prime gang of 70 
negroes, accustomed to the culture of Rice." 

" Under decree of Chancery. In the case of vs. , Legatees 

of , will be sold, between 50 and 60 negroes, belonging to the estate 

of ." 

" By Thomas N. Gadsdon. This day, 30th inst., will be sold at the 
North of the Exchange, at 11 o'clock, a likely felloio about 30 years of 
age, a first rate coachman, warranted sound and healthy." 

" By the same, on the same day, and at the same place and hour. Four 
prime field negroes. A fellow about 28 years of age. A wench about 28 
do. A young fellow about 18, very prime. A young wench about 18, do. 
do. Several other negroes, accustomed to the city." 

From the Charleston Evening Post, December 30th, 1833. 
" By Thomas Milliken. On Wednesday, 22d of January, &c., 182 very 
prime negroes, accustomed to the culture of Rice, Cotton and Provisions." 

From the Richmond Compiler, December 31st, 1833. 

" Cash for Negroes. I shall be absent two or three months from Rich- 
mond ; during my absence Messrs. Wm. H. Goodwin and Nathaniel 
Glinn, will attend to my jail, and the purchase of slaves for me. Liberal 
prices will be paid. {Signed) LEWIS A. COLLIER." 

November 21st. 

From the Petersburg Intelligencer, January 2d, 1834. 
'■'■ Notice. Will be sold to the highest bidder, for cash, at Hicksford, on 
Monday, the 6th of January next (being court day), 15 or 16 negroes, most 
of them boys from 10 to 18 years of age. They are all likely and under 
good character. TIMOTHY THORP." 

From the Washington National Intelligencer, January 2d, 1834. 
" Cash for Servants. I will give cash, and the highest price, for any 
number of likely negroes. I particularly want some families. Apply at 
Lloyd's Steam-Boat Hotel, near the centre market, Washington City. 

{Signed) THOMAS M. JONES." 
September 30th. 

From the Richmond Whig, January 3d, 1834. 

(Its motto, — '•'■ Democracy— the Constitution — State Rights.'") 

" 20 Negroes for sale. I will sell, on the 13th day of January next (it 

being court day), at Buckingham Court House, twenty negroes, consisting 

of men, women, and children, as likely as any of the same number to be 



10 

found, to the highest bidder, for cash. Those who wish to purchase will 
do well to attend, as the sale will certainly take place. 

ROBERT BOLLING." 

Thus, my fellow-citizens ! have you been enabled to learn, from their 
own publications, the debased, the degraded, the brutalized condition in 
which the slaveholding States have placed more than 2,000,000 of your 
fellow creatures, whose only crime is that of being guilty of having " a 
skin not coloured like your own." 

Whence, I ask you, is derived the authority for laws and usages such 
as these] Can it be found in the Bible ; or in the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence ? It is to be found in neither I But it is asserted, that slaves are 
declared to be property by the Constitution of the United States. This 
conclusion is come to, not by the letter of the Constitution, but by construc- 
tion, or implied meaning; for that instrument carefully avoids the term 
slave, and says, " persons held to service or labour," &c. If, however, we 
grant that it intended to mean slaves, we deny that any nation or people 
can invest itself with a power or powers above that God " who hath of 
one blood created all the nations of men to dwell upon the face of the earth." 
Now the Old Testament says, " Thou shalt love thy neighbour." " Thou 
shalt not defraud thy neighbour, neither rob him : the wages of him that 
is hired, shall not abide with thee all night until the morning." " He 
that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall 
surely be put to death." Many more passages might be quoted, but these 
are sufficient. The New Testament, certainly nowhere warrants the en- 
slavement of mankind ! And the charter of our own rights declares, that 
" All men are created equal, having certain unalienable rights, anjong 
which are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." The gross incon- 
sistency between our professions and our practice, has justly brought upon 
us the taunt and sneer of the monarchists of the Old World. 

A late European traveller, of undoubted respectability and candour, to 
wit, "James Stuart, Esq.," in his "Three Years in North America," 
says, " The existence of slavery in its most hideous form, in a country of 
absolute freedom, in most respects, is one of those extraordinary anomalies 
for which it is impossible to account." 

No man was more sensible of this than Jefferson, nor more anxious that 
so foul a stain on the otherwise free institutions of the United States, 
should be wiped away. His sentiments on this subject, and on the pe- 
culiar situation of his countrymen in maintaining slavery, are thus given, 
in a communication to one of his friends: " W^hat an incomprehensible 
machine is man ! who can endure toil, famine, stripes, imprisonment, and 
death itself, in vindication of his own liberty, and the next moment be 
deaf to all those motives whose power supported him through his trial, and 
inflict on his fellow man a bondage, one hour of which is fraught with more 
misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion to oppose. But we 
must await with patience the workings of an overruling Providence, and 
hope that that is preparing the deliverance of these our suffering brethren. 
When the measure of their tears shall be full — when their groans shall 
have involved Heaven itself in darkness — doubtless a God of justice will 
awaken to their distress, and, by diffusing light and liberality among their 
oppressors, or at length, by his exterminating thunder, manifest his atten- 
tion to the things of this world, and that they are not left to a blind fa- 
tality." In confirmation of this, our exalted statesman's hopes, we 
believe that, through the means proposed by the Abolitionists of this 
country, and by no other, can the exterminating thunder of God be averted. 

That you may properly appreciate the ti-ue objects and intentions of our 
organization, we beg leave to read you our declaration of sentiments, &c. 



u 



Declaration of the Anti-Slavery Convention^ assembled in 
Philadelphia, December \th, 1833. 

The Convention, assembled in the city of Philadelphia to organize a 
National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize the opportunity to promul- 
gate the following Declaration of Sentiments, as cherished by them in 
relation to the enslavement of one-sixth portion of the American people. 

More than fifty-seven years have elapsed since a band of patriots con- 
vened in this place to devise measures for the deliverance of this country 
from a foreign yoke. The corner-stone upon which they founded the 
Temple of Freedom was broadly this — " that all men are created equal ; 
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; 
that among these are life. Liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." At 
the sound of their trumpet-call, three millions of people rose up as from 
the sleep of death, and riished to the strife of blood ; deeming it more glori- 
ous to die instantly as freemen, than desirable to live one hour as slaves. 
They were few in number — poor in resources ; but the honest conviction that 
Truth, Justice, and Right were on their side, made them invincible. 

We have met together for the achievement of an enterprise, without 
which, that of our fathers is incomplete ; and which, for its magnitude, so- 
lemnity and probable results upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends 
theirs, as moral truth does physical force. 

In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of purpose, in in- 
trepidity of action, in steadfastness of faith, in sincerity of spirit, we would 
not be inferior to them. 

Their principles led them to wage war against their oppressors, and to 
spill human blood like water, in order to be free. Ours forbid the doing 
of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the op- 
pressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bond- 
age; relying solely upon those which are spiritual and mighty through 
God to the pulling down of strong holds. 

Their measures were physical resistance — the marshalling in arms — the 
hostile array — the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only as the oppo- 
sition of moral purity to moral corruption — the destruction of error by the 
potency of truth — the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love — and 
the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. 

Tlieir grievances, great as they were, were trifling in comparison with 
the wrongs and sufl[erings of those for whom we plead. Our fathers were 
never slaves — never bought and sold like cattle — never shut out from the 
light of knowledge and religion — never subjected to the lash of brutal task- 
masters. 

But those, for whose emancipation we are striving, — constituting at the 
present time at least one-sixth part of our countrymen, — are recognized by 
the law, and treated by their fellow beings, as marketable commodi- 
ties — as goods and chattels — as brute beasts ; are plundered daily of the 
fruits of their toil without redress ; really enjoying no constitutional nor 
legal protection from licentious and murderous outrages upon their persons ; 
are ruthlessly torn asunder — the tender babe from the arms of its frantic 
mother — the heart-broken wife from her weeping husband — at the caprice 
or pleasure of irresponsible tyrants. For the crime of having a dark com- 
plexion, they suffer the pangs of hunger, the infliction of stripes, and the 
ignominy of brutal servitude. They are kept in heathenish darkness by 
laws expressly enacted to make their instruction a criminal offence. 

These are the prominent circumstances in the condition of more than two 
millions of our people, the proof of which may be found in thousands of 
indisputabe facts, and in the laws of the slave-holding States. 

Hence we maintain — That in view of the civil and religious privileges 



12 

of this nation, the guilt of its oppression is unequalled by any other on the 
face of the earth ; and, therefore. 

That it is bound to repent instantly; to undo the heavy burden, to break 
every yoke, and to let the oppressed go free. 

We further maintain — That no man has a right to enslave or imbrute 
his brother — to hold or acknowledge him, for one moment, as a piece of 
merchandize — to keep back his hiri' by fraud — or to brutalize his mind by 
denying hitn the means of intellectual, social, and moral improvement. 

The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it, is to usurp the 
prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a right to his own body — to the 
products of his own labour — to the protection of law — and to the common 
advantages of society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and 
subject him to servitude. Surely the sin is as great to enslave an Ameri- 
can as an African. 

Therefore we believe and affirm — That there is no difference, in princi- 
ple, between the African slave trade and American slavery; 

That every American citizen, who retains a human being in involuntary 
bondage as his property, is (according to Scripture*) a man-dealer ; 

That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought under the 
protection of law ; 

That if they had lived from the time of Pharaoh down to the present pe- 
riod, and had been entailed through successive generations, their right to 
be free could never have been alienated, but their claims would have con- 
stantly risen in solemnity ; 

That all those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of 
slavery, are therefore before God utterly null and void ; being an auda- 
cious usurpation of the Divine prerogative, a daring infringement on the 
law of Nature, a base overthrow of the very foundations of the social com- 
pact, a complete extinction of all the relations, endearments, and obliga- 
tions of mankind, and a presumptuous trangression of all the holy com- 
mandments — and that therefore they ought to be instantly abrogated. 

We further believe and affirm — That all persons of colour who possess 
the qualifications which are demanded of others, ought to be admitted forth- 
with to the enjoyment of the same privileges, and the exercise of the same 
prerogatives, as others ; and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and 
of intelligence, should be opened as widely to them as to persons of a 
white complexion. 

We maintain that no compensation should be given to the planters emanci- 
pating their slaves — 

Because it would be a surrender of the great fundamental principle, that 
man cannot hold property in man ; 

Because Slavery is a crime, and therefore it is not an article to be sold; 
Because the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors of what they 
claim ; freeing the slaves is not depriving them of property, but restoring 
it to its right owners; it is not wronging the master, but righting the 
slave — restoring him to himself; 

Because immediate and general emancipation would only destroy nomi- 
nal, not real property : it would not amputate a limb or break a bo^e of 
the slaves, but by infusing motives into their breasts would make them 
doubly valuable to the masters as free labourers : and 

Because, if compensation is to be given at all, it should be given to the 
outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those who have plundered and 
abused them. 

We regard, as delusive, cruel, and dangerous, any scheme of expa- 
triation which pretends to aid, either directly or indirectly, in the emanci- 
pation of the slaves, or to be a substitute for the immediate and total aboli- 
tion of slavery. 

*Exod. xxi. 16j Deut. xxiv. 7. 



13 

We fully and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of each Slate, to 
legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery which is tolerated within 
its limits; we concede that Congress, under the present nationul compact , 
has no right to interfere with any of the slave States, in relation to this 
momentous subject. 

But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is solemnly bound, to sup- 
press the domestic slave trade between the several States, and to abolish 
slavery in those portions of our territory which the Constitution has placed 
under its exclusive jurisdiction. 

We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the highest obliga- 
tions resting upon the people of the free States, to remove slavery by 
moral and political action, as prescribed in the Constitution of the United 
States. They are now living under a pledge of their tremendous physical 
force to fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of millions in 
the Southern States ; they are liable to be called at any moment to sup- 
press a general insurrection of the slaves : they authorize the slave owner 
to vote for three-fifths of his slaves as property, and thus enable him to 
perpetuate his oppression; they support a standing army at the South for 
its protection ; and they seize the slave wiro has escaped into their territo- 
ries, and send him back to be tortured by an enraged master or a brutal dri- 
ver. This relation to slavery is criminal and full of danger : it must be 
bi'oken up. 

These are our views aivd principles — these our designs and measures. 
With entire confidence in the over-ruling justice of God, we plant our- 
selves upon the Declaration of our Independence and the truths of Divine 
Revelation as upon the Everlasting Rock. 

We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in every city^ 
town, and village in our land. 

We shall send forth Agents to lift up the voice of remonstrance, of 
warning, of entreaty and rebuke. 

We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti-slavery tracts and 
periodicals. 

We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of the suffering and 
the dumb. 

We shall aim at the purification of the churches from all participation in 
the guilt of slavery. 

We shall encourage the labour of freemen rather than that of the slaves, 
by giving a preference to their productions : and. 

We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole nation to 
speedy repentance. 

Our trust for victory is solely in God. We may be personally defeated, 
but our principles never. Truth, Justice, Reason, Humanity, must and 
will gloriously triumph. Already a host is coming up to the help of the 
Lord against the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encourage- 
ment. 

Submitting this Declaration to the candid examination of the people 
of this country, and of the friends of liberty throughout the world, we 
hereby affix our signatures to it; pledging ourselves that, under the guid- 
ance and by the help of Almighty God, we will do all that in us lies, con- 
sistently with this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow the most 
execrable system of slavery that has ever been witnessed upon earth — to 
deliver our land from its deadliest curse — to wipe out the foulest stain 
which rests upon our national escutcheon — and to secure to the coloured 
population of the United States all the rights and privileges which belong to 
them as men, and as Americans — come what may to our persons, our in- 
terests, or our reputations — whether we live to witness the triumph of 
Liberty, Justice, and Humanity, or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, 

D 



14 

benevolent, and holy cause. Done in Philadelphia, this sixth day ot 
December, A. D. 1833. •' 

We are aware that many of the benevolent, the wise and the good are 
now looking to the removal of this crying evil in the land, by a system of 
colonization on the shores of Africa. This, however, we contend, can never 
accomplish its promised good. 

«Znn''""r?^ '""^''^*' of the slave population in this country is more than 
60,000. The society alluded to must, therefore, remove this amount first 
and immediately. The cost of such removal, without considering the ton' 
nage abstracted from our regular commerce, will amount, at the computa- 
tion of 30 dollars a head, which is far below the actual expense, to the 
immense sum of 1,800,000 dollars. But whence is this fund to be de- 
- rived ? Ihe advocates of the scheme cannot seriously believe that thev 
can procure it And if they did, there is still left behind the two millions 
and a half to be transported. To expose this subject in a clear li^ht I 
will give an extract of a communication from a Baptist Minister (C P 
Grosvenor). He says "If it is at all needful to take notice of the American 
Colonization Society, 1 will say, that through culpable inattention, I remain- 
ed strangely Ignorant of it, in respect to both its ultimate bearings on slavery 
and Its boasted power of removing the coloured people from the country 
until alter I had appeared as its advocate on July 4th 1831, in a public 
address in this town (Salem, Mass.). On a review of that address I per- 
ceived that ray own argument was unsound. This discovery turned my 
thoughts with great seriousness to an inquiry into its real claims on my 
confidence and support, and the result was my decided conviction of its 
utter powerlessness to accomplish the proposed object. It is demonstra- 
ble, that in a war with Great Britain, it would be as wise to rely on a 
single schooner to resist effectually her entire navy, as it is to rely on any 
project for the transportation of two million and a half of coloured people 
with their annual increase of 60,000; it being necessary in order to effect 
f L^'^J^n* '" ^?^ ?^^'"^' ^"^ transport 100,000 every year. At an expense 
01 faO dollars a head, which is less that it has cost hitherto, the annual ex- 
penditure would be 6,000,000 of dollars, and the whole expense 600,000 
UOO. 1 would as soon attempt to lade out the ocean with the pen I write' 
with, as enter on the work of transportation as a hopeful cure of this evil " 
Ihese are the calculations of a former friend to the colonization schem'e 
and also of a gentleman formerly pastor of a church in South Carolina, and 
who also observes, "God forbid that any society be formed which shall 
no propose to itself both the promotion of Ills glory and the good of all our 
fellow-cihzens, both white and coloured.'" j ^uur 

There are many principles of political economy which directly militate 
against this scheme, as well ^sfads respecting the rise and progress of the 
colony to the present time, which I shall not now present, beoau'se I am un- 
willing to state any thing to wound the feelings of those of my country- 
men who have been conscientious in its support. My object is merely 
to induce a minute examination, which I am satisfied will convince all 
that something else is required, to rid us of the existence of slavery. 

Ihe query then is, what method is to be adopted? It is this— to repent 
ot our iniquity, that, through the influence of the love of God shed abroad 
in the heart, we may be enabled to divest ourselves of the cruel prejudice 
which declares that the coloured man must forever be held as of a distinct 
and separate race, " repugnant to our republican feelings and dangerous to 
our republican institutions." Is he not the fellow-heir of immortatity with 
us . JJo we not know that, as the workmanship of the same Alrnirrhty 
hand, he is equally susceptible with us of mental cultivation ? If so, what 
is to prevent his becoming a useful and worthy citizen ? We owe it to 
nnw?i!?n V P^t"°J'«l'j-t» humanily_to posterity, that the generation 
now rising to enjoy the blessings, and sustain the responsibilities of civil 



15 



and religious liberty, should not be left to grope in the darkness of igno- 
rance, and thus to disgrace still more the institutions of our fathers ! We 
must earnestly and unceasingly remonstrate with the oppressor, at once, 
to remove those barriers which the laws have wickedly erected against 
their vassals. We must urge upon them the absolute necessity to afford 
them the same legal rights and privileges with themselves. We must call 
upon them with a high and uplifted voice " to loose the bands of wicked- 
ness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free." Re- 
naember! that "To him that knoweth to do good and doeth it not, to 
him it is sm." 

Aware of the importance of facts in making an indelible impression upon 
the mind, I must beg leave to call your attention to the following state- 
ment, received a day or two since, and which I omitted to bring mo no- 
tice earlier in my address. It is from an individual on whom reliance can 
be placed, and who has lately left the station of superintendent of a gano- 
of slaves, owned by a person in the State of Georgia. He stated, that he 
started those under his charge at about 4 o'clock in the morning during the 
winter season, and at day break during the summer. That°they were 
worked constantly all day, except at about 11 o'clock, when they had a 
noon of half an hour to receive their piece, or allowance for the whole day, 
which consisted of half a pound of bacon, or three-quarters of a pound of 
beef, and one quart of ground Indian meal. This allowance was cooked 
over night, and in case they could not eat it within the prescribed time, 
the remainder was carried on their heads and partaken of as they could dur- 
ing their labour. That in general they had one suit of miserable negro 
cloth, hardly fit to be made up, for winter, and one suit of Osnaburo- for 
summer. One pair of shoes for both seasons. That for any indiscretion 
the slaves received from 20 to 100 lashes with a cowskin, cartwhip, or 
hickory withe, on their bare backs, according to the will of their master. 
It the driver refused to inflict the punishment, the overseer might whip the 
driver, OT call upon any one he pleased, even the husband to whip the wife, 
or the father the child, or vice versa; and this he had seen done frequently. 
Ihat forcible separation of the nearest connexions is occurring every day, 
and children sold from their mothers when about two years old. That in 
case of the murder of a slave, no redress can be obtained, unless the 
whites take it up— because a negro's oath is nothing at all. That some 
slaves in Augusta, Charleston, and in some other pfaces, had worked out 
their freedom. That he never saw a legal marriage among slaves. 
1 hat on plantations slaves were frequently better fed and treated than those 
under his charge. But that the weather mu^t be very bad indeed to stop 
work. That the harder they were whipped the better. They dared not 
to say a word against it. That children, when they became four years old, 
receive as many as 8, 10, or 15 lashes on their bare backs, with a cowskin, 
not quite so hard, because they desire not to injure seriously a lltile ?iegro. 
One more fact, and I have done. It appears that there were some laws 
in Louisiana, prohibitory of the introduction of slaves into that State, un- 
der certain restrictions. 

The cholera, that dire scourge of mankind, in its passage over our 
country, swept away great numbers in that and other slave States. 

It IS said that " when the judgments of the Lord are in the earth, men 
learn righteousness." Not so, however, is it with the slave-holders. 
Feeling power, they forget right. Thus I find the following paragraph in 
the Saturday Evening Post, of the 11th inst. "An act repealing the 
several prohibition laws against the introduction of slaves into the State of 
Louisiania, has passed both bodies of the legislature of that State, and 
only wails the signature of the Governor to become a law." 

This act was passed to supply the deficiency caused by the ravages of 
pestilence. What a comment upon the assertion that slavery is to be 
eradicated by the removal of even many from the country! Even the 



16 

solemn call of Deity looses not the chains from the poor descendant of 
Africa ! Nothing but the united powerful demands of the community at 
large can stop this national sin. 

Ours is a country of laios, made by the penple; to them we must appeal. 
Many who regard not the laws of the Almighty, fear the popular mdigna- 

tion. ^ , , , 

Look to Great Britain! The immortal Wilberforce, the venerable 
Clarkson, and their persevering coadjutors, kept the subject of Abolition 
before the view of that nation, despite of opposition from the dignitaries 
of Church and State, an unprincipled press, and a people once as lethargic 
as the people of the United States.— But their cause was the cause of 
eternal justice, and, knowing in whom they trusted, they ceased not in 
their efforts, until they revolutionized the government and people, and 
freed their country from the foul stain of slavery. Yes, my republican 
fellow-citizens, blush ! that the nation against whom your fathers recorded 
their solemn protest for its tyranny, has tarnished forever our fair fame, by 
proving to the world its superior regard for those inalienable rights which 
they first promulgated ! 

My own dear country ! " Wash thy purpled hands 

Of this foul sin, and never dip them more 

In guilt so damnable ! then, lift them up 

In supplication to that God whose name 

Is mercy ! Then thou may'st, without the risk 

Of drawing vengeance from the surcharged clouds, 

Implore assistance for thy famished poor." 

The greatest impetus given in England to the progress of the cause to 
which we are pledged, was produced by the immediate emancipationists, 
one of the most efficient of whom was a female, who published, and exten- 
sively circulated, a masterly pamphlet, entitled " Immediate, Not Gradual 
Abolition." 

This excellent work stirred up the nation to a proper examination of the 
subject. The futility of lopping off the branches to destroy the trunk of this 
deadly Upas, was clearly discerned. The attention of the female sex was 
drawn, and as was necessarily to be anticipated, female Anti-Slavery So- 
cieties rose up in all parts of the realm. Through them were distributed 
with unexampled industry, tracts, toys, fancy articles of all kinds, &c., which 
kept the horrors of slavery constantly before the public. The result was, 
that in the one-fifth part of the time employed by the gradualists, the nation 
was regenerated. 

Can it for one moment be conceded that the subjects of the British enti- 
pire, have more love of justice and of equal rights, than the freemen of this 
republic ? Are our rulers and our people more deaf to the call of humanity 
than they 1 But more especially will the prayers and tender supplica- 
tions of the matrons and daughters of the United States, on behalf of lib- 
erty, be totally disregarded by those who glory in the title of " sons of 
chivalry" 1 Honour, valour and gallantry forbid the anticipation ! We love 
our countrymen too much to believe that they have closed their ears and 
steeled their hearts forever. 

We therefore ask the ladies of our country to join us in the holy cause 
of emancipation; the emancipation of more than 2,000,000 of their 
countrymen, from interminable bondage, as immediately as moral and 
constitutional means can effect it; as soon as time, and a fair examination 
of our principles shall have proved to our opponents the purity and right- 
eousness of our intentions. 

We seek no worldly glory, we ask no worldly honour. We desire only 
to do our duty in the sight of God, that through His goodness and mercy, 
we may be instrumental in averting from our beloved, our guilty country, 
the pending judgments oihis indignation and wrath. 



APPENDIX. 



At the late anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held at 
New York, James A. Thome of Kentucky asserted that "the Slave 
States are Sodoms." This was positively denied by our opponents the 
next day :— Read the following and judge ! 

A VOICE FROM KENTUCKY. 

Mr. Thome's charge sustained : — " The slave States are Sodoms."— 
This was stoutly denied by the colonization meeting on Wednesday of anni- 
versary week in this city, but by a most remarkable and providential coin- 
cidence is fully confirmed by the Western Luminary, printed at Lexington 
( Kentucky) on the same day / Yes ! On the venj day when New \ ork colo- 
nizationists were assembled to defend the obscene Moloch from the charges 
of Mr Thome, an editor in the same slave State of which Mr. Thome had 
spoken, was sending forth, without concert, an independent testimony to 
the very same effect! The writer is treating of " our coloured population." 

Hear him ! , . • i • 

" I proclaim it abroad to the Christian world, that heathenism is as real in 
the slave States as it is in the South Sea islands, and that our negroes are 
as justly objects of attention to the American and other boards of foreign 
missions, as the Indians of the western wilds. What is it constitutes 
heathenism I Is it to be destitute of the knowledge of God— of his holy 

word never to have heard hardly a sentence of it read through life — to 

know little or nothing of the history, character, instruction and mission of 
Jesus Christ — to be almost totally devoid of moral knowledge and feeling 

of sentiments and probity — truth — and of chastity? Mr. Editor— -it 

this constitutes heathenism, then are thousands, millions of heathens in 
our own beloved land. Gracious God! Merciful Redeemer! Shall thy 
word and thy gospel be proclaimed in simplicity and truth to one portion 
of our populati'on, and shall another be born, and live, and die, where the 
Sun of righteousness shines freely and fully, and never receive more than 
a dim and wandering ray of his light and glory ! 

"There is one topic to which I will allude, which will serve to estab- 
lish the heathenism of this population ; for 1 wish this truth to be known 
to our Eastern brethren, that if we ourselves will do nothing, they may make 
our negroes an object of missionary attention, I allude to the universal 
licentiousness which prevails. It may be said, emphatically, that chastity 
is no virtue among them— that its violation neither injures female character 
in their own estimation, or that of their master or mistress — no instruction 
is ever given, no censure pronounced. I speak not of the world. I speak 
iw Christian families generally. How much longer shall this slate 
of things be unregarded !" — N. Y. Emancipator. 

E 



18 



From tlie St. Louis Republican. 

A NEGRO DRIVER. 

Messrs. Editors. — There is a negro driver now in this city whom 1 wish 
to brand with infamy, and in order that I may do so, I ask for room in 
your columns to make the following simple statement : 

A few days since he went into the country, a short distance from the 
city, and purchased a negro woman, under the following circumstances : 
She was about 24 years old, of excellent character, and married to a hus- 
band about 28 years of age. As soon as the bargain was closed, the driver 
told her to start, giving her only ten minutes to prepare. She was not 
allowed to see her husband. She however sent him word she was gone, 
and bade him good-bye, and was driven into town and confined by her 
brutal purchaser. When the poor fellow, her husband, heard the message 
— for they were most tenderly attached, and both of excellent character — he 
seemed absolutely stunned with the most unexpected blow. He followed 
his poor wife to town to take a last look and bid a last adieu, but the 
thought of parting was more than he could bear, and he determined, if pos- 
sible, to go with her and share her fate. My informant saw him soon 
after he came to town, and says that his appearance was such, so com- 
pletely was his heart broken with anguish, that had he (my informant) 
been master of five hundred dollars in the world, they should have gone to 
redeem his wife. When asked what he intended doing, his reply was, 
" I will get my master to sell me to the driver, and go with my poor wife ; 
my days will not be long on earth, and this I hope will shorten them." 

Messrs. Editors, you, too, are husbands, and the poor fellow's face of 
whom I speak is not as white, but his blood is as red and as warm as your 
own ; and 1 call upon every husband and every wife to set the seal of ab- 
horrence and detestation upon the wretch, who will thus dare to insult 
the moral sense of our community, and trample on the tenderest and holiest 
feelings of human nature. — N. Y. Emancipator. 

Commerce of Liberia. — As the principal business of the colony is now 
admitted to be trade, [see Gov. Pinney's Letter,] of course the nature of that 
trade should go far to decide our estimate of the character and probable 
influence of the colony in reference to the civilization and future welfare 
of Africa. To aid in furnishing our readers vvith facts, for them to judge 
upon, I visited the custom house at Philadelphia, and transcribed from the 
official document, the following list of an assorted cargo for the African 
trade. It is the manifest of the brig Ruth, Capt. Taylor, which sailed from 
Philadelphia for Liberia about the last of April. Tlie manifest is dated 
April 28, 1834. I have condensed some of the items, but omitted nothing 
material. 

Shipped, by John TV. Baker, 5 bags Laguayra COFFEE : 10 boxes rai- 
sins ; 2 do. preserved ginger ; I keg spices ; 30 halves chocolate, 7507 lbs. 

By Grant & Co., 2 hhds. tobacco, 14 puncheons, 40 bbls., 1 hhd. Ameri- 
can, 11 puncheons St. Croix, making 4272 galls. RUM; 14 tierces, 9 bbls. 
molasses; 15 bbls. dried apples and peaches ; GOOO ft. 2 in. plank; 4574 ft. 
oars ; 200 kegs POWDER ; 3 boats ; 60 bbls., 10 half bbls. pork ; 8 half 
bbls. shad ; 37 bbls. beef; 3 half bbls. barley; 3 hhds. bacon ; 50 kegs but- 
ter; 30 kegs lard; 250 hams ; 2 bbls. tongues; 50 bbls. CORN MEAL ; 99 
boxes soap; 4 boxes brown soap; 2 bbls. cider; 20 bbls. loaf sugar; 7 
crates crockerj^ ware ; 2 boxes cottons; 2 bales gurrahs; 1 do. counterpanes ; 
1 do. knives, 56 doz. ; 1 do. scarlet cloth, 82 yds.; 1 do. looking-glasses; 
1 trunk pocket do., 34 doz.; 1 do. bells; 2 RP]AMS PAPER; 96 bun- 
dles beads; 132 })cs. romals ; 1 pkg. contg. cotton goods, and 4 REAMS 
POST Paper; 1 box coral beads, 90 oz. ; 1 do. (juinine, 10 oz. ; 15 boxes 



19 

and casks beads, 4186 lbs.; 2 casks col'd cottons; 1 box tumblers; 176 
CUTLASSES; 8 cases GUNS, 95; 14 pieces brown linens; 2 doz. 
hats; 14 casks E. ware ; 18 kegs flints; 81 bars lead; 4 empty casks; 
483 lbs. composition. 

We will not make a single remark on the articles of trade. The articles 
of subsistence show how absolutely the colony still depends on this 
country, even for corn meal and coffee. — N. Y. Evang. 



Extracts from Gov. Pinney's Letter to R. R. Gurley, Secretary of the 
American Colonization Society, dated at Liberia, March 7th, 1834. 

"You are doubtless aware that affairs were very much deranged, and that 
very many things needed immediate attention; but the reality in either 
respect you cannot know, for you have not seen. Almost every pub- 
lic building needed repairs and expense. Unsettled bills for coffins, 
nurses, rented stores and houses, mechanics, &c., in addition to floating 
acceptances and orders by my predecessor, to the amount of two or three 
thousand dollars, and the current expenses of the Colonial officers and 
school teachers, after his departure, came in upon me like a flood. Many 
of these accounts, from the situation of the claimants, and all of them on 
account of their long standing, could not, with justice, be left any longer 
unsettled. To satisfy them, and even to meet the current expenses of the 
Agency House, I could resort only to orders and drafts. This I have 
done; and though the amount may appear very great, I am convinced that 
justice to claimants, gnd the best interests of the Society, required such a 
course ; and I confidently believe the proceeding will meet the approbation 
of the Board. 

"The public store, if well supplied with goods, would have greatly 
lightened the expenses and drafts : but so far from helping, the necessity 
of having some supply of goods, of which it could afford none, has com- 
pelled me to purchase from vessels to the amount of twelve or thirteen 
hundred dollars, for which I have also drafted. The utter paucity of avail- 
able property on my arrival, will clearly appear to you on examining the 
paper (A), wherein is an inventory of public property left by Dr. Mechlin, 
a part of which had been expended. (No. 1.) A list of acceptances and 
orders, also left by him, with a written permission for Mr. Russwurm to 
draft for them two mouths after his departure. (No. 2.) The salaries due 
to officers up to the date of my arrival. (No. 3.) It will be seen by the 
schedule of agency property, how completely the house was destitute of 
necessary articles "for daily consumption. To supply this deficit, 1 had re- 
course to merchants and captains for sugar, tea, hams, &c. &c. ; and also 
for $100 in cash, to purchase fresh provisions, as they were needed. 
This I obtained from Capt. Peters, and included in his draft. The same 
document will make apparent the destitute state of the store. The pro- 
visions on hand, from which more than fifty infirm persons and widows 
were drawing, consisted only of four barrels of beef, 300 kroos of rice, and 
some damaged meal. In order as much as possible to supply their necessi- 
ties, and supply the labourers with provisions, all the beef which could be 
obtained at a reasonable price from vessels touching here, was procured ; 
but the supply was wholly inadequate to the demand ; and we are now un- 
I der the necessity of issuing only rice and meal to the infirmary list. 

"The necessity of having some goods on hand to pay off labourers, and 
, upply the schooner with a cargo for trade, has compelled me also to make 
some purchases ; the expectation of receiving a supply from America, has 
induced me to proceed no farther than the urgent wants of our situation 
demanded. The inadequacy of the supplies, notwithstanding the pur- 
chases mentioned, has been a constant obstacle to the progress of the cur- 



20 

rent business ; and in order to accomplish the works mentioned below, I 
have been compelled to give many orders, at a double expense of time, 
trouble, and funds ; one half of which might have been saved by a well 
supplied store." 



THE SCHOONER. 

" We arrived in January, and, as you are doubtless aware, missed the har- 
vest of rice, which can be procured abundantly in October and November, 
and with difficulty at any other period. Unfortunately, after her return 
from Goree, and the departure of Dr. Mechlin, she was allowed to remain 
unemployed, and thus neglected to improve the most favourable season of 
the year. This was, in a measure, unavoidable, both on account of her situ- 
ation, and the utter impossibility of obtaining a cargo from the public 
store. There being but little rice in the colony, and a probability that 
much would be needed, I determined at once to make an effort to obtain 
some, by sending her to leeward. With all my efforts, she was only able 
to sail on the 2Gth of February. This great delay was rendered necessary 
by the lime occupied in making repairs. These were very extensive. — 
On the first attempt to heave her out, she sunk on account of the openness 
of her seams ; and when, after a thorough caulking, we succeeded in throw- 
ing her down to examine her bottom, I was almost disheartened. The 
copper was worn quite through in very many places, and very thin in all. 
On the keel, it was much torn up, and four sheets off, occasioned by her 
having struck on the bar at the commencement of her voyage to Goree. — 
In these places the planks very much resembled a honey-comb, so com- 
pletely had the worms bored them. We were under the necessity of mak- 
ing a little lead, given us by the Captain of a British brig of war, and a 
large supply of pitch, the substitutes for copper, and have rendered her fit 
for one trip at least. Captain Cooper and his mate made an entire set of 
new sails, from materials kindly left us by the commander of the United 
States ship John Adams, before my arrival, whose liberality also supplied 
us with his own six-oared barge, provided with awnings, &c. &c. &c. 
The schooner has received a new coat of paint, and with the new sails 
makes a beautiful appearance. The expense of these repairs amounted to 
nearly three hundred dollars. To this I have added a cargo of nearly 
fourteen hundred dollars, and sent her down the coast. The season is very 
unfavourable : but, notwithstanding this, I have sent no ardent spirits, 
which is considered indispensable to successful trade at any season. I 
shall await her return with deep interest. 1 cannot be too urgent, if you 
desire to preserve the vessel, that no time be lost in sending out entire 
new copper and nails ; cordage for rigging ; cloth for a suit of sails, and for 
mending old ones. No time should be lost. Two anchors, of from 270 
to 350 pounds, are also needed. Both masts are badly injured by the dry 
rot, and can be supplied cheaper and better from the United States than 
we can obtain them here." 



THE AGENCY HOUSE. 

" Notwithstanding the expensive bill of Mr. Ruffin, amounting to more 
than ,^600, mostof whicli 1 have drafted for, the house I found in a state 
hardly tenantable. 'J'he floor of the upper piazza was torn up behind, and 
partially at the two ends. The bannisters and railing for the same part 
were all down. The lower piazza floor and frame were entirely torn up, 
and the boards lost, having access to the house on either side only by 
plank. The sills and studs were decayed all around, from the united at- 
tacks of ants and weather; so thai the house had sunk, and nothing pre- 



21 

vented its falling but the piazza. The doors were unhinged, and the 
plastering off more or less. I have endeavoured to put it in repair, and 
have made considerable progress. New sills have been put in all around ; 
the weather-boarding, which was torn off, replaced with new. The deep 
hole under the lower floor of the piazza has been filled up with rocks and 
sand, and a mason is now employed in laying a brick pavement instead of 
a floor, trusting that neither ants nor rain will injure it. The house has 
received a coat of paint, and the carpenter is now busily engaged in re- 
pairing the floor of the upper piazza. The lot attached to the house has 
been enclosed with a secure paling; and I intend that pine-apples, limes, 
&c. &c., shall replace the rank growth of weeds which have been cut 
down and burnt. Your Society will, without doubt, need a new building 
in one or two years, for the Agent ; and though I shall not be here, I 
would unhesitatingly advise, that its walls be of stone." 

" In relation to other transactions, the situation of the Eboes and Congoes 
early attracted my attention. They were in a state approaching to war, 
from disputes and jealousies relative to their officers. It was apprehended 
that I should find considerable difficulty in reconciling them again ; how- 
ever, by permitting each tribe to have a set of officers, as had been done 
always previously to the last election, all parties seemed satisfied. Con- 
cerning their location, I have had more perplexity. By a law made by Mr. 
Ashmun, they were to have been located three miles from any other settle- 
ment. Lott Carey placed them, or rather attempted to place them, imme- 
diately back of some lands given to the colonists on Stockton, about half 
way from Monrovia to Caldwell, hence called the ' Half Way Farms,' a 
location very inexpedient, both to the colonists and themselves; however, 
by mistake, they were actually placed upon lands belonging to individuals. 
By some neglect they have never been removed by my predecessor, and 
now it would be cruel and unjust to do so. They certainly are the 
most enterprising labourers in the colony, and are making the m.ost rapid 
advances of any. Last year they left their old town of thatch houses, and 
have laid out another near the river, containing many frame buildings; and 
not less than twenty such are now under way. 

" I could not reconcile it to my sense of duty to leave them at the mercy 
of the colonists, on whose lands they had built, and some of whom were 
already boasting of their advantage; I have therefore determined to make 
exchanges, even at the expense of parting with town lots of considerable 
value. By this means I hope to obtain lands there of sufficient extent to 
lay them out a town on the Stockton, that the experiment there may have 
a full trial. When informed of this plan, their joy seemed to know no 
bounds ; and in their efforts to evidence it, by firing a great gun, three were 
very severely burned. The value of town lots and lands given in exchange 
for the farms, will be communicated at a future period." 

" Your Agent has left no means unemployed to excite, if possible, a spirit 
for agricultural improvement, and may hope not entirely without success. 
As an auxiliary to these efforts, and to ease the burthen of supporting many 
poor, whose labours, under proper directions, might support themselves, he 
has commenced a small farm near Caldwell ; and nothing but the want of 
suitable implements, the poorest kind of which are with difficulty obtained, 
prevents rapid progress. To reap the full benefit of such a plan will re- 
quire the erection of a Poor House. In it we could employ the numerous 
old women, widows, &c. who are now eating, from the agency store, the 
bread of idleness. They might be employed in picking oakum, carding 
and spinning cotton, weaving and making up their own apparel. Thus 
the colonial largesses, instead of encouraging the idleness, would minister 
to the industry of the colony. The importance of such a measure presses 
upon my mind with peculiar weight. The o-rowth of the colony will, 

F 



22 

yes, must, be greatly retarded if it is neglected. Cotton might be abun- 
dantly raised on the farm, though perhaps two or three bales might be 
sent out profitably at first. Cards, I mean hand cards and wheels, must 
be supplied from America." 

" If you will bear with me, I would offer a few remarks upon the mode of 
support at present allowed to officers in the colony. It appears to me a 
radical defect to allow any thing in addition to a stated and specific salary. 
Though delicacy might seem to urge my desisting, conscience will not 
permit me to be silent. The allowance of a support over and above the 
salary, has been, I verily believe, the prolific source of abuses and diffi- 
culties heretofore, and must continue to be while the system lasts. The 
Agent may not have the inclination to check extravagance, either in him- 
self or others ; but if the will exists, he is powerless as to the latter. The 
least interference will be construed into an infringement of privileges, and 
therefore he may be compelled to witness the most wasteful expenditure of 
moneys, which, when their source is regarded, may be considered holy, 
and the act appear a sacrilege. These sentiments are not entirely new to 
me, but my brief experience has indelibly impressed them on my mind. 
I have been led to dwell on them by having experienced some of the un- 
pleasant effects of such interference. Economy in expenditure is never so 
thoroughly practised, as when joined with personal interest, and it is noto- 
riously the case, that men, unless guided by an uncommon sense of future 
accountability, will be more prodigal of expenditure when the payments 
come from public bodies, than if their own pockets were to be made to 
bear them. The Board cannot expect all of their Agents to be immaculate, 
and therefore, in my opinion, the economy of conducting their affairs, de- 
mands that every officer have his certain fixed salary, and provide for him- 
self. But independent of this, the consideration of difficulties to which 
Agents will be liable on the present plan, is sufficient, and every member 
of the Board would be convinced of it by one month's experience. 

"Thus far in relation to pecuniary and political concerns. As to the in- 
ternal policy of the colony, and the state of public officers, there seems 
even greater need of energetic action. The number of commonwealth 
cases has been truly alarming, bringing the treasury not less than three 
or four hundred dollars annually. To remedy this I have reproved the 
officers, especially Justices of the Peace, many of whom were placed in 
commission by my predecessor, utterly ignorant of law, while old and ex- 
perienced Justices were left out. I have been compelled to put some of 
the latter in commission. The neglect of several Committees, which re- 
ceive no pay for their services, was prominent and hurtful, especially the 
Committee of Agriculture. These have been directed to act efficiently, in 
seeing the roads cleared and various nuisances removed, but have hitherto 
done nothing. The report of this Committee I have called for, but have 
not yet obtained it. — Its contents I can readily anticipate; and with the 
exception of gardens for families, twelve acres of coffee trees, planted by 
the Rev. C. M. Waring, I might venture the assertion, that not fifty acres 
are cultivated in the colony. 

'' Inquiring for the causes of this destructive and humiliating neglect, 
several were strikingly prominent. First and foremost stands the fascina- 
tion of trade : the colonist who shall resist this temptation will be an 
object of admiration. However, I hope this evil is on the point of curing 
itself, and, though the process may be painful, I cannot doubt but the result 
will be beneficial. The commission merchants, who, by their lavish 
credits, have been the panders to this depraved appetite for gain, are now 
reaping the bitter fruits. Their employers come for pay, and behold half 
of those to whom they trusted goods are bankrupt, and they are them- 
selves unable in some instances to meet their engagements. The conse- 
rjuence is, that in a short time, captains of vessels will entirely stop 
credits, and of course hundreds of strong men now in the country, must 



23 

return to the long deserted farms. To assist this result, the council have 
lately laid many discouragements in the way of vessels trusting their 
goods on long credits. 

" But this has not been the principal cause of agricultural neglect. I am 
convinced the evil has its source farther back, and is deeper seated in the 
system. A colonist arrives in Monrovia at any time during the year. He 
is entitled to support six months. If anxious to do well, he looks forward 
to the day when this aid is to cease, and is prompted to make efforts to 
provide against it. If he gives way to these promptings, the result is gen- 
erally severe illness and greater and longer continued weakness. If, as 
all experiences prove it most prudent, he sits down to await and escape 
the fever ; the six months are soon gone, and he is cast upon his own re- 
sources. If in health, which is not often the case, he starts under the most 
favourable circumstances ; but what are they 1 A pennyless stranger, 
without house or food ! ! What is he to do under such circumstances 1 If 
his land is ready at the moment, he cannot wait to plant a crop and have it 
grow ; his own wants and his family's, if he have any, demand immediate 
relief. Sawing timber has heretofore been the dernier resort. The new 
emigrant hires or borrows a saw, and with a companion proceeds to the 
woods to earn his bread. A tree is selected in the swamp, and having no 
oxen to draw it out, they are under the necessity of pitting it on the spot. 
Here, alternately standing in the water from knee to waist deep, and saw- 
ing four days, they are enabled, after carrying their wood to market, 
(which occupies the other two) to purchase enough to support themselves, 
and possibly he may be enabled to secure a lot in two years by building a 
plain frame house. In the mean time his system has become in most 
cases, deeply injured or diseased, an aversion to farming contracted, and 
the man's usefulness to himself and the colony almost ruined. 

" Connected with this, I would again call the attention of the Board to the 
importance of ever having on hand a supply of utensils of every kind, with- 
out which nothing can proceed with ease. Hoes, axes, shovels, spades, 
cutlasses, scythes, pickaxes, crow-bars, &.c. &c., should be kept ready for 
sale, and the ])ublic store never be without a supply. 

" In relation to the schools, I am not prepared to make any but the most 
general remarks. The teachers at present employed, seem very attentive, 
and, as a general thing, very successful. Mr. Edin's school at New Geor- 
gia, supported by the ladies in Philadelphia, is greatly cramped in its ope- 
rations, for want of a suitable room: and all the schools are suffering more 
or less from scarcity of books, stationary &c. &c. At present more than 
forty children at Edina are growing up to the privileges of freemen, with- 
out one school to teach the rudiments of learning. 

" At present the Colonization Society hires the house occupied by Mrs. 
T., and the school is supported by ladies in Philadelphia, while more than 
forty children attend it daily from the wealthiest families. — The absurdity 
of such a state of things is too glaring, and shows the necessity of heavier 
taxation. I have attempted to get a subscription to erect the house, and 
find the most difficulty where I least expected it. I have resolved that un- 
less those who are unable to pay for the house, will either pay the rent or 
build a house, to bring the school back to its original intention, and con- 
fine it to the education of orphans and poor. I remarked before, that all 
the schools needed books and stationary. This want is pressing. Do 
call upon the Christian community in America to turn a portion of their 
charities into this channel. Let them know, that to extend knowledge 
and promote sound piety, a quire of paper is, at the present moment, of 
more worth than a Bible. Bibles and Tracts have been sent here, and 
either used as waste paper, or made food for worms. Why 1 Not because 
the people despise either, but because we have not a reading population. 
Until this is secured, their Bibles would be of more value in China. 



24 



- Since Mr. Thompson's departure, 1 have appointed L. R. Johnsa. to 
fulfil h"s duties, in addition to those which he formerly performed, and al- 

ow him a salary of ^400 per annum, being ^200 less than was paid the 
w^ previous V Mr^Prout I have allowed to retain his office, being in 
daiW expecta ion of hearing from the Board ; but in the mean time, have 
t:tSZ'lTry to $400r with a saving of ^^Ver^l^-;^^ ^o^^^ ^^^ 
If he is continued in office, or another appointed, ^ ^'^^.^^^^^^^^^^ 
circumstances, ^300, with perquisites, would amply repay the duties re 
Sd^ or rendered. As is natural, he is restive under it, and complains 
Utterly of partiaUty; alleging as evidence, that 1 have not proceeded m 
^he saL vv^ wUh a 1. Without pretending to reply to such an objec ion, 
l':ouS add m^ views on the subje'ct. I do not believe the interest of the 
Colony or Society demand the present number of officers 

- Mr. Williams still claims his appointment and alleges h^ r^sj"^^^ "J 
yourself, while on his visit, as the reason; and also «l^^"^;/« ^0^^^ 
L expenses of his voyage to Africa alter his ate visit to the Uni ed 
States The latter I have refused, and referred it to the Board to deciae 
upo . Alio he office, he is allowed to retain it, and I endeavour to keep 
hfm busy-but with a full conviction that the duties of s^o'je-kfeper might 
and ought to be connected with his: and the office th'is loaded with the 
duties now performed both by Mr. Williams and Mr. J^hnso", given to a 
single individual, at the salary which either one now "receives thus sav 
ing^«500 or ^600 annually to the Society On the ^^-^ Pruiaple, I would 
suggest that the duties of Secretary and Register be united for the pre 
seJt, until the colony becomes larger, with the salary at present annexed 
to the Secretary's office." 



From the Liberator. 

A HYMN. 

O, righteous God, whose awful frown 

Can crumble nations to the dust, 
Trembling we stand before thy throne. 

When we remember thou art just. 

Dost thou not see the dreadful wrong 

Which Afric's injured son sustains T 
And wilt thou not arise ere long. 

To plead his cause, and break his chains 1 

Must not thine anger quickly rise 

Against a race so proud, so vain, 
Who dare thy righteous laws despise, 

And traffic in the souls of men T 

Will not thy judgments, like a flood, 
This deep polluted land o'erflow — 

Drenched with our fellow-creatures' blood- 
Filled with the scenes of Afric's woT 

The sin of slavery we forsake, 

Lest we thy judgments here should view ; 
Lest o'er our heads thy thunders break,— 

Far vi^orse than ancient Egypt knew. 

M. J. 



25 

From the Liberaloi-. 
AN APPEAL 

TO THE DAUGHTERS OF AMERICA. 

Hark! Cliristian mothers ! daug-hters! sisters! wives! 

Hark ! hear ye not the spirit-piercing cry 

Of outraged Woman for her dearest rights ! 

Oh, never talk of virtue — while ye hear 

That maddening cry of horror thus unmoved ! 

Oh, never talk of piety — yet mark, 

With such a careless, cold, indifferent eye, 

Wrongs that might move the very rock to tears ! 

Ay ! soften flint ! and make the sanguine earth, 

Like an aflrighted conscience, cry aloud ! 

Revealing crimes that would appal herself, 

And palsy Nature's spirit ! Till this globe, 

Shocked with the wickedness her bosom bore, 

Should hang cold in her orbit, turned to stone — 

Smit by offended Justice ! doomed to be 

Forever still amid the wheeling spheres. 

Whose ceaseless motion is a melody; 

And silent mid the circling harmonies. 

That lean forever on their^golden lyres, 

And wake such music as enraptures heaven. 

My countrywomen ! be not ' wUted walk ." 
In Virtue's spotless drapery arrayed — 
Yet strangers to her spirit! — Charity — 
Daughter of Heaven— the loveliest and best- 
Is feminine in nature. Woman's soul 
Is, in its native purity, allied 
To her who suffereth long, and still is kind. 
Thus, woman is pre-eminently bound 
Her fairer sister's deeds to emulate ; 
And, by such acts as stir the soul with love, 
Make her divine alliance evident ! 

To Woman, then, I make one strong appeal : 
Shut not your ears ! turn not your eyes awayt 
But hear! and see ! and understand ! and/ee// 
The wrongs of injured woman !— nor forbear 
To stretch your hands— to lift your every voice ! 
With one accord to make a firm resolve, 
Founded upon a prayerful trust in God, 
That all our injured sisters shall be free ! 
And renovated— /ree in soul us limb .' 

Fair daughters of America ! awake ! 
Wake to your duty ! all who bend the knee 
In peace around your altars ! Help for her, 
Whose prayers are answered— only by the scourge ! 
All ye who love your offspring ! Help ! for her, 
VVhose screeching children, clinging to her arras, 
A mother's arms, and yet too weak to hold- 
Are torn away, by hands that never wrouo-ht 
One deed of mercy— one pure act of lovel 
All ye who nurture the endearino- ties 
Of home and kindred ! Help ! Oh ! help for her, 

(t 



26 

The lettered one, whose burning- eye is turned 
On home and kindred she may know no more ! 
All ye who cherish daughters, as the shrine 
Where look or thought impure may never come — 
Help, help for her, whose agonizing cries 
Tell she is witness of a daughter's wrongs. 
Ye've slept too long already ! — Wake ! awake ! 
And if your duty is not evident, 
Look o'er the broad Atlantic — look ! and see 
What woman's voice hath done — is doing now ! 
And if ye have no feeling, do have shame.' 
Shame that the daughters of a land less free, 
Should go before Columbia's, in the work 
Of Mercy, Justice, Truth, and Liberty! 

No work is this to choose or to reject : 

'Tis the stern call of Duty. Haste ! obey ! 

List the low wail of Mercy for the fallen ! 

The long, deep cry oi Justice for the wronged ! 

Look on the kneeling, bleeding, helpless one — 

The chained — the spirit-bowed — the desolate — 

Stretch forth your hands, and lift her from the dust ! 

Whisper, ' Thou art our sister.' Wipe her tears. 

Pour balm into her deeply festering wounds. 

Comfort her stricken spirit. Point on high, 

To the great God, who loveth nil alike ! 

And tell her that a Faiher livetli there. 

Teach her to know her own immortal soul ; 

To quench her ardent spirit's burning thirst 

At the quick streams of knowledge. Haste ! resolve ! 

Resolve and act — and triumjjh shall be yours. 

For what, in all the tomes of history, 

The record beareth — of a firm resolve 

Planted in woman^s soul, that turned to nought ? 

Emancipation should be woman's work. 

Withdraio your countenance, and the work is done ; 

For men will never run against the tide 

Of woman's favour. Let oppression be 

No subject for your dalliance or your smiles. 

Stretch not your hand to robbery — whisper not 

The tender vow to Murder — though he come 

In all the proud authority of Latv, 

With gilded trappings and in pompous state : 

Nor smile on him who says these things are good ; 

The weak apologist, who sanctions crime 

By precept — though his practice might condemn ! 

Or who laments the hard necessity 

Of being more than robbers / — Be yourselves! 

And dare to think — and, thinking, dare to act .' 

Remember this — ' Tis criinc to smile o?i crime / 

Frances Harriet Whipple. 
Pomfret, Ct., June 10, 1834. 



3477-17 
67 



27 

From the Einaiicipator. 

GUNS, SABRES, CUTLASSES AND RUM FOR LIBERIA! 

In the ship Jupiter that sailed from this port for Monrovia, 21st instant, 
were the following articles : 

50 GUNS. 

6 cases containing 120 TOWER GUNS. 

8 cases containing 800 SABRES. 

98 barrels containing 3,844 GALLONS RUM. 

481 kegs containing^ 8,620 pounds POWDER. 

1 case CUTLASSES, &c. &c. «fec. 

These articles were shipped by individuals in this city, and are, it is 
presumed, consigned to ministers of the Guspel, who are also commission 
merchants at Liberia. The Journal of Commerce asserts that the RUM is 
not to be landed there. Is it, then, consigned to the captain, to be sold to 
the natives on board the ship 1 This makes the matter worse. It is sent, 
at any rate, to the coast of Africa, to be sold there for the use of the colo- 
nists, or natives, or both. And it is sent out in a ship almost identified 
with the colonization cause — a regular packet between New York and 
Liberia. 

It is not denied that the GUNS, SABRES, CUTLASSES and POW- 
DER are to be landed at Liberia. The Journal of Commerce admits that 
the Colonization Society can determine what goods shall he admitted into the 
colony. Mark this. The truth, then, if I understand it, is this. The 
Society has requested that the Rum should not be landed at Liberia, but 
sold from the ship, or landed elsewhere on the coast; and has sanctioned 
the Guns, Sabres, Cutlasses and Powder being landed and sold. Let the 
friends of peace, of temperance, the churches of the Lord Jesus Christ, 
the ministers of the Gospel, and all who have been so frequently and ear- 
nestly appealed to, for aid " for the shipment per the ship Jupiter," think 
of these things. 



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